CAN'T GET ENOUGH?

Richard Prince's popular column on the news media, published by the Maynard Institute for Journalism Education (www.mije.org).

FEBRUARY 7 | CNN Suspends Roland Martin Over Tweets

FEBRUARY 5 | AP Lays Off Diversity Advocate

FEBRUARY 2 | News of Don Cornelius' Death Goes Viral

ANDREW'S BLOG ROLL

    Why the Old Spice Guy Is Good for Black America

    By now you’ve probably at least heard about Old Spice’s uber-viral Old Spice Guy ad campaign. It’s so simple and successful that Gillette is probably rubbing a Mach3 on its wrists as I type this: A well-built, often shirtless black man (Isaiah Mustafa) demonstrates his virility to women with a series of romantic, sometimes magical undertakings—baking a cake, turning event tickets into diamonds, horseback riding, etc. Old Spice Guy’s ultimate point is that while “your man” can’t be as handsome, strong, or mysterious as he is, he can at least smell as masculine if he uses Old Spice body wash. Though they initially address women, the commercials always end with the tagline “Smell like a man, man.”

    Problems with heteronormativity and misogyny—all women love diamonds!—aside, the Old Spice Guy spots are funny in the offbeat and visually exciting manner Internet audiences demand. PC World is calling the commercials “the most brilliant ad campaign ever.” They’ve become so popular with Twitter and Facebook users that there’s now a YouTube channel on which Old Spice Guy speaks directly to his Internet fans in 15 to 30-second bursts. It was there that Old Spice Guy granted a Twitter fan’s request to perform his marriage proposal for him.

    Most of us should be able to agree that nuptials beginning through a corporate Internet meme have a difficult road ahead; the success of the Old Spice Guy, on the other hand, might actually be a sign that being a black man in America is getting slightly easier.

    It wasn’t so long ago that black men in advertising were used to fill one of two roles: violent savage or passive, simple-minded gofers. Take for instance this Van Heusen shirt ad from 1952—less than a decade before Barack Obama was born—in which a scary black man adorned in bones is juxtaposed with a group of well-groomed whites. On this billboard, a black bellhop points excitedly at a white family’s new Plymouth, certainly agog at the mechanical finery he couldn’t dream of affording. Mad Men’s Don Draper may be quite handsome, but advertising in the early 20th century was frequently hideous, exploiting the meanest of stereotypes in order to sell garbage people didn’t actually need.

    Today’s ad agencies continue to push useless crap, of course, but to their credit, they’re usually far less racist in their salesmanship. To wit, Old Spice Guy. There was a time when a muscular black man addressing America’s “ladies”—not just black ladies, but all ladies—in a sexualized tone could have gotten him killed. The black male’s inherent maleness wasn’t an attractive quality; it was brutish and animalistic, something to be feared and pointed at as if looking at a zoo.

    Today, Old Spice Guy bucks that notion. He's everywhere, topless and smoldering. And not only are his strength, intelligence and beauty at the forefront of his character, they're heralded as being at the apex of manhood. No man, black or white, can ever be as sexy, dynamic, talented and worldly as he, and no woman of any race can or should want to resist him. In day's past, Old Spice Guy would have been seen as threatening, aggressive, certainly unfit for a million-dollar ad campaign. But here in 2010, far from being fearful, America is rushing wildly into his sturdy embrace.

    That smells like progress, man.

    -Cord Jefferson is a staff writer at The Root. Follow him on Twitter.

    Obama's Oil Spill Address Ends Up Addressing Little

    On the 512th day of his presidency, Barack Obama used his first Oval Office address to try and allay the nation's fears about the countless barrels of oil currently spilling into the Gulf of Mexico, what he termed the "worst environmental disaster" in American history. Though the president prefaced things by saying he intended to "lay out ... our battle plan," actually, aside from a few minor details most everyone already knew, the speech was vague and defensive at best, ill-informed at worst. Overall, it should have left viewers sure of only one thing: everyone's still stumped.

    Though he did offer up jargon like "skimming" and "boom," and references to the tens of thousands of men and women working to contain the spill, most of Obama's best rhetorical advances tonight were almost immediately undermined by timid lines like "these efforts should capture up to 90 percent of the oil leaking out of the well," weak proclamations that won't win any votes of confidence from the increasingly disappointed American people. Nor will the president's assurance that "scientists and experts ... have provided ideas and advice." As we all well know by now, ideas and advice are fine, but they won't necessarily stop the deluge of fossil fuels currently darkening our nation's coastlines. And to the shrimpers and oystermen out of work in Louisiana and Mississippi and Alabama tonight, ideas and advice that don't plug that hole are as useless as millions of gallons of oil floating off into the sea.

    What we needed tonight was a leader with a solid vision for not only how to get out of our current predicament but also how to resolve our nation's energy crisis in the long term. What we got was a president who seemed unaware of what was happening in important government offices and stunned that oil executives would deceive him in order to advance their agendas in our oceans:

    A few months ago, I approved a proposal to consider new, limited offshore drilling under the assurance that it would be absolutely safe -- that the proper technology would be in place and the necessary precautions would be taken. That was obviously not the case on the Deepwater Horizon rig, and I want to know why.

    Perhaps the most interesting passage of Obama's speech came toward the end, when he declared, "[T]he House of Representatives [passed] a strong and comprehensive energy and climate bill -- a bill that finally makes clean energy the profitable kind of energy for America’s businesses." While that is true, what the president failed to mention is that that bill is now stalled in the Senate with little to no forward momentum. That Obama omitted that hugely important detail ostensibly means that his administration is willing to tell citizens half-truths if it will make them at least a little less worried about the Gulf and our nation's unyielding addiction to oil.

    Considering the crushing uncertainty of tonight's speech, it's no wonder, then, that the president ended it by saying he "[prays] that a hand may guide us through the storm towards a brighter day." The only problem is that God can't stop the leak.

    The transcript:

    Good evening. As we speak, our nation faces a multitude of challenges. At home, our top priority is to recover and rebuild from a recession that has touched the lives of nearly every American. Abroad, our brave men and women in uniform are taking the fight to al Qaeda wherever it exists. And tonight, I've returned from a trip to the Gulf Coast to speak with you about the battle we're waging against an oil spill that is assaulting our shores and our citizens.

    On April 20th, an explosion ripped through BP's Deepwater Horizon drilling rig, about 40 miles off the coast of Louisiana. Eleven workers lost their lives. Seventeen others were injured. And soon, nearly a mile beneath the surface of the ocean, oil began spewing into the water.

    Because there has never been a leak of this size at this depth, stopping it has tested the limits of human technology. That is why just after the rig sank, I assembled a team of our nation’s best scientists and engineers to tackle this challenge -- a team led by Dr. Steven Chu, a Nobel Prize-winning physicist and our nation's Secretary of Energy. Scientists at our national labs and experts from academia and other oil companies have also provided ideas and advice.

    As a result of these efforts, we have directed BP to mobilize additional equipment and technology. In the coming days and weeks, these efforts should capture up to 90 percent of the oil leaking out of the well. This is until the company finishes drilling a relief well later in the summer that is expected to stop the leak completely.

    Already, this oil spill is the worst environmental disaster America has ever faced. And unlike an earthquake or a hurricane, it is not a single event that does its damage in a matter of minutes or days. The millions of gallons of oil that have spilled into the Gulf of Mexico are more like an epidemic, one that we will be fighting for months and even years.

    But make no mistake: We will fight this spill with everything we've got for as long it takes. We will make BP pay for the damage their company has caused. And we will do whatever's necessary to help the Gulf Coast and its people recover from this tragedy.

    Tonight I'd like to lay out for you what our battle plan is going forward: what we're doing to clean up the oil, what we're doing to help our neighbors in the Gulf, and what we’re doing to make sure that a catastrophe like this never happens again.

    First, the cleanup. From the very beginning of this crisis, the federal government has been in charge of the largest environmental cleanup effort in our nation’s history -- an effort led by Admiral Thad Allen, who has almost 40 years of experience responding to disasters. We now have nearly 30,000 personnel who are working across four states to contain and cleanup the oil. Thousands of ships and other vessels are responding in the Gulf. And I have authorized the deployment of over 17,000 National Guard members along the coast. These servicemen and women are ready to help stop the oil from coming ashore, clean beaches, train response workers or even help with processing claims -- and I urge the governors in the affected states to activate these troops as soon as possible.

    Because of our efforts, millions of gallons of oil have already been removed from the water through burning, skimming and other collection methods. Over five and a half million feet of boom has been laid across the water to block and absorb the approaching oil. We have approved the construction of new barrier islands in Louisiana to try and stop the oil before it reaches the shore, and we are working with Alabama, Mississippi and Florida to implement creative approaches to their unique coastlines.

    As the cleanup continues, we will offer whatever additional resources and assistance our coastal states may need. Now, a mobilization of this speed and magnitude will never be perfect, and new challenges will always arise. I saw and heard evidence of that during this trip. So if something isn’t working, we want to hear about it. If there are problems in the operation, we will fix them.

    But we have to recognize that despite our best efforts, oil has already caused damage to our coastline and its wildlife. And sadly, no matter how effective our response becomes, there will be more oil and more damage before this siege is done. That's why the second thing we're focused on is the recovery and restoration of the Gulf Coast.

    You know, for generations, men and women who call this region home have made their living from the water. That living is now in jeopardy. I’ve talked to shrimpers and fishermen who don't know how they're going to support their families this year. I've seen empty docks and restaurants with fewer customers -- even in areas where the beaches are not yet affected. I've talked to owners of shops and hotels who wonder when the tourists will start to come back. The sadness and anger they feel is not just about the money they've lost. It's about a wrenching anxiety that their way of life may be lost.

    I refuse to let that happen. Tomorrow I will meet with the chairman of BP and inform him that he is to set aside whatever resources are required to compensate the workers and business owners who have been harmed as a result of his company's recklessness. And this fund will not be controlled by BP. In order to ensure that all legitimate claims are paid out in a fair and timely manner, the account must and will be administered by an independent, third party.

    Beyond compensating the people of the Gulf in the short term, it's also clear we need a long-term plan to restore the unique beauty and bounty of this region. The oil spill represents just the latest blow to a place that has already suffered multiple economic disasters and decades of environmental degradation that has led to disappearing wetlands and habitats. And the region still hasn't recovered from Hurricanes Katrina and Rita. That's why we must make a commitment to the Gulf Coast that goes beyond responding to the crisis of the moment.

    I make that commitment tonight. Earlier, I asked Ray Mabus, the Secretary of the Navy, a former governor of Mississippi, and a son of the Gulf, to develop a long-term Gulf Coast Restoration Plan as soon as possible. The plan will be designed by states, local communities, tribes, fishermen, businesses, conservationists and other Gulf residents. And BP will pay for the impact this spill has had on the region.

    The third part of our response plan is the steps we're taking to ensure that a disaster like this does not happen again. A few months ago, I approved a proposal to consider new, limited offshore drilling under the assurance that it would be absolutely safe -- that the proper technology would be in place and the necessary precautions would be taken.

    That was obviously not the case on the Deepwater Horizon rig, and I want to know why. The American people deserve to know why. The families I met with last week who lost their loved ones in the explosion -- these families deserve to know why. And so I have established a National Commission to understand the causes of this disaster and offer recommendations on what additional safety and environmental standards we need to put in place. Already, I have issued a six-month moratorium on deepwater drilling. I know this creates difficulty for the people who work on these rigs, but for the sake of their safety, and for the sake of the entire region, we need to know the facts before we allow deepwater drilling to continue. And while I urge the Commission to complete its work as quickly as possible, I expect them to do that work thoroughly and impartially.

    One place we have already begun to take action is at the agency in charge of regulating drilling and issuing permits, known as the Minerals Management Service. Over the last decade, this agency has become emblematic of a failed philosophy that views all regulation with hostility -- a philosophy that says corporations should be allowed to play by their own rules and police themselves. At this agency, industry insiders were put in charge of industry oversight. Oil companies showered regulators with gifts and favors, and were essentially allowed to conduct their own safety inspections and write their own regulations.

    When Ken Salazar became my Secretary of the Interior, one of his very first acts was to clean up the worst of the corruption at this agency. But it's now clear that the problems there ran much deeper, and the pace of reform was just too slow. And so Secretary Salazar and I are bringing in new leadership at the agency -- Michael Bromwich, who was a tough federal prosecutor and Inspector General. His charge over the next few months is to build an organization that acts as the oil industry's watchdog -- not its partner.

    One of the lessons we've learned from this spill is that we need better regulations better safety standards, and better enforcement when it comes to offshore drilling. But a larger lesson is that no matter how much we improve our regulation of the industry, drilling for oil these days entails greater risk. After all, oil is a finite resource. We consume more than 20 percent of the world’s oil, but have less than 2 percent of the world’s oil reserves. And that’s part of the reason oil companies are drilling a mile beneath the surface of the ocean -- because we're running out of places to drill on land and in shallow water.

    For decades, we have known the days of cheap and easily accessible oil were numbered. For decades, we have talked and talked about the need to end America's century-long addiction to fossil fuels. And for decades, we have failed to act with the sense of urgency that this challenge requires. Time and again, the path forward has been blocked -- not only by oil industry lobbyists, but also by a lack of political courage and candor.

    The consequences of our inaction are now in plain sight. Countries like China are investing in clean energy jobs and industries that should be here in America. Each day, we send nearly $1 billion of our wealth to foreign countries for their oil. And today, as we look to the Gulf, we see an entire way of life being threatened by a menacing cloud of black crude.

    We cannot consign our children to this future. The tragedy unfolding on our coast is the most painful and powerful reminder yet that the time to embrace a clean energy future is now. Now is the moment for this generation to embark on a national mission to unleash American innovation and seize control of our own destiny.

    This is not some distant vision for America. The transition away from fossil fuels will take some time, but over the last year and a half, we have already taken unprecedented action to jump-start the clean energy industry. As we speak, old factories are reopening to produce wind turbines, people are going back to work installing energy-efficient windows, and small businesses are making solar panels. Consumers are buying more efficient cars and trucks, and families are making their homes more energy-efficient. Scientists and researchers are discovering clean energy technologies that will someday lead to entire new industries.

    Each of us has a part to play in a new future that will benefit all of us. As we recover from this recession, the transition to clean energy has the potential to grow our economy and create millions of good, middle-class jobs -- but only if we accelerate that transition. Only if we seize the moment. And only if we rally together and act as one nation -- workers and entrepreneurs; scientists and citizens; the public and private sectors.

    When I was a candidate for this office, I laid out a set of principles that would move our country towards energy independence. Last year, the House of Representatives acted on these principles by passing a strong and comprehensive energy and climate bill -- a bill that finally makes clean energy the profitable kind of energy for America’s businesses.

    Now, there are costs associated with this transition. And some believe we can't afford those costs right now. I say we can't afford not to change how we produce and use energy -- because the long-term costs to our economy, our national security and our environment are far greater.

    So I am happy to look at other ideas and approaches from either party -- as long they seriously tackle our addiction to fossil fuels. Some have suggested raising efficiency standards in our buildings like we did in our cars and trucks. Some believe we should set standards to ensure that more of our electricity comes from wind and solar power. Others wonder why the energy industry only spends a fraction of what the high-tech industry does on research and development -- and want to rapidly boost our investments in such research and development.

    All of these approaches have merit, and deserve a fear hearing in the months ahead. But the one approach I will not accept is inaction. The one answer I will not settle for is the idea that this challenge is too big and too difficult to meet. You see, the same thing was said about our ability to produce enough planes and tanks in World War II. The same thing was said about our ability to harness the science and technology to land a man safely on the surface of the moon. And yet, time and again, we have refused to settle for the paltry limits of conventional wisdom. Instead, what has defined us as a nation since our founding is our capacity to shape our destiny -- our determination to fight for the America we want for our children. Even if we're unsure exactly what that looks like. Even if we don’t yet know precisely how to get there. We know we’ll get there.

    It is a faith in the future that sustains us as a people. It is that same faith that sustains our neighbors in the Gulf right now.

    Each year, at the beginning of shrimping season, the region’s fishermen take part in a tradition that was brought to America long ago by fishing immigrants from Europe. It's called "The Blessing of the Fleet," and today it's a celebration where clergy from different religions gather to say a prayer for the safety and success of the men and women who will soon head out to sea -- some for weeks at a time.

    The ceremony goes on in good times and in bad. It took place after Katrina, and it took place a few weeks ago -- at the beginning of the most difficult season these fishermen have ever faced.

    And still, they came and they prayed. For as a priest and former fisherman once said of the tradition, "The blessing is not that God has promised to remove all obstacles and dangers. The blessing is that He is with us always," a blessing that’s granted " … even in the midst of the storm."

    The oil spill is not the last crisis America will face. This nation has known hard times before and we will surely know them again. What sees us through -- what has always seen us through -- is our strength, our resilience and our unyielding faith that something better awaits us if we summon the courage to reach for it. Tonight, we pray for that courage. We pray for the people of the Gulf. And we pray that a hand may guide us through the storm towards a brighter day. Thank you, God Bless You, and may God Bless the United States of America.

    How Slavery Spoiled the World Cup

    While speaking last evening with a friend, I fell upon the realization that, besides hundreds of years of financial, emotional and political strife, slavery has also engendered in the African American community a difficulty watching the World Cup.

    Before I encounter the faceless rage of The Internet, let me preface the rest of this post by saying that in no way is comfort while watching sports as important a subject as practically every other issue facing black Americans today. But minor annoyances, as anyone who’s tried to sleep in a room with one mosquito knows, can occasionally feel large—especially when talking about the biggest sporting event in the world.

    Anyway, last night, my former college roommate, a Bostonian by way of Sicily, told me he roots for Italy when watching the World Cup. Despite having been to his ancestral homeland only once, he roots for the Italians with the same brio he uses to root for Landon Donovan et al. In fact, considering how much better it is at handling the soccer ball, it’s very possible he actually cheers harder for the Italian team. His sister does the same, as does a friend of mine in Los Angeles, though technically he’s only half Tuscan.

    An Arizonan I know with the surname Rapier goes for France, while the striker on my own soccer team in high school was a diehard fan of England, where his grandparents still lived. I have Greek friends cheering on Greece this year, and Japanese friends cheering on Japan. I even have a Bosnian friend who cheers for Serbia, troubled history be damned.

    Amongst most of my white friends interested in the World Cup is the consensus that you root for the US by default, as a holdover trait from when you were forced daily to recite The Pledge. Once the Americans lose, however, you then root in earnest for your country of origin, which is generally better and more exciting to watch. It’s a fun way to hedge your bets and double the pleasure of the World Cup. It also noticeably excludes practically every African American I know.

    People very often say that slavery has “taken” things from blacks, which is correct in many ways but inaccurate in many others. Rather, in some cases what slavery has done is muddled small joys other American citizens take for granted. It’s not that blacks don’t often have the same things as whites, it’s that, occasionally, those things are rendered less effective by the lack of a certain history within the black community. Just as slavery is why we have Black History Month rather than something more specific, like Irish-American Heritage Month, slavery is why I don’t get the same pleasure from the World Cup as my friends.

    Slavery hasn’t taken the World Cup from me; indeed, I still get to revel in the bulk of the happiness the tournament provides. But what I don’t get to do is celebrate it the way many of my friends celebrate it. I don’t get to cheer for my ancestral team the way they cheer for theirs, because I don’t know what my ancestral team is. Sure, it very well might be Nigeria or Cameroon or Ghana, but I can’t know that connection with the certainty of my Italian friend, whose last name is also a seaside town in Sicily.

    The World Cup is an awe-inspiring, momentous thing in general, but this year’s carries a special significance: it’s the first Cup to take place in an African nation. I applaud South Africa for hosting, and I applaud all the African teams who are playing so valiantly so close to home. And it’s with some sense of loss that I say, “Go, USA!”

    Cord Jefferson is a staff writer for The Root. Follow him on Twitter.

    Besides BP, Obama Needs to Address America's Oil Addiction

    It seems as if Barack Obama's reaction to the Gulf oil spill thus far has closely followed the famous Kübler-Ross model of grief management. Denial was when he waited far too long to take the reins from BP, thus allowing the company to flail about helplessly for days while little to no real action took place. Anger came a week ago, when the president used some uncharacteristically salty language to address accusations of dawdling: "I don't sit around just talking to experts because this is a college seminar," he told ABC News. "We talk to these folks because they potentially have the best answer so I know whose ass to kick."

    Yesterday, Obama embarked on his fourth trip to the Gulf Coast region since the April 21 explosion of the Deepwater Horizon oil rig. After touring Mississippi, Alabama and Florida, he'll return to Washington tonight to discuss the catastrophe in his first Oval Office speech. While most everyone is certain Obama will talk drilling safety improvements and the BP escrow account, if he's wise, he'll also take his first step in the bargaining stage and make a deal with American people: Stop using so much oil and things will get better.

    As I've written before, Americans--and much of Western culture, but Americans especially--simply use too much fossil fuel. It's necessary for our cars, our agribusiness, our cosmetics, our air conditioning, our computers and practically everything in-between, and to say that we're too reliant on it has become such a constant refrain that it almost sounds like nagging. Nevertheless, sometimes clichés are repeated for a reason. In this case, it's because it's a simple fact: If everyone living in the United States made a concerted effort to cut their oil consumption, the world--not just the Gulf coast, the entire world--would improve drastically.

    If the Obama administration would really like to change the course of America's future relationship with oil, not only does it need the complete financial cooperation of BP; it also needs to earnestly ask We The People to stop buying so damn much of the black stuff. Unlike President Bush, who in the wake of 9/11 asked citizens to go shopping, tonight, Obama needs to show true leadership and tell us that we've in fact done too much shopping. He needs to tell us that while our current crisis is due to the cascading failures of a British oil company, what led to it was decades of American addiction to finite fossil fuels obtained through hyper-fallible means. It's time modest oil consumption wasn't the punchline to an Al Gore joke, but instead a respected notion about how to be a good global citizen.

    That transition could begin tonight, in the White House; Obama just needs to find the intestinal fortitude to make it happen. To be sure, it won't be easy for Americans to hear, but the truth often isn't. And maybe next time, we'll all be able to avoid the depression stage.

    Cord Jefferson is a staff writer for The Root. Follow him on Twitter.

    The Alvin Greene Saga's Racist Underbelly

    Yesterday, South Carolina Democratic Party representative Todd Rutherford told reporters that the increasingly strange Alvin Greene saga was “not even funny, it’s just sad.” It’s a sentiment that’s becoming increasingly common, as Greene, the surprise winner of South Carolina’s Democratic Senate primary, finds himself ever-deeper in the muddy water that is American politics.

    Despite the fact that he won Tuesday’s primary fair and square, with 60 percent of the vote, common wisdom now holds that Greene somehow cheated on his way to the top. For his part, Rutherford went on to suggest that Greene is mentally handicapped and isn’t in on the “joke.” House Majority Whip Rep. James Clyburn has made a serious call for a federal inquiry into Greene’s victory, telling a radio DJ on Thursday: “I don't know if he was a Republican plant, he was somebody's plant.” And now, a panel of experts has convened to look over South Carolina’s election results in order to ensure Greene didn’t somehow find some ingenious way to put himself over the top. Anymore, it seems as if the only person who believes in Alvin Greene is the man himself, who’s refused the state party chairwoman’s request he drop out of the race.

    I can’t help but find all this handwringing about Greene’s win on Tuesday to be slightly insidious, tainted by the ugly stains that so frequently mar America’s political processes: racism and classism.

    In the years since the United States began electing officials, her citizens have deemed fit for office everyone from convicted felons to Sarah Palin to dead people. Samuel “Joe the Plumber” Wurzelbacher, a formerly unemployed everyman-type with no political familiarity whatsoever (much like Alvin Greene), was just last month voted onto Ohio’s Lucas County Republican Committee. That Greene—an inexperienced, poorly spoken, alleged criminal who barely had any campaign at all—could win an election in South Carolina isn’t that wild of an idea to anyone who’s been paying attention for the past few hundred years. It is an unshakable fact that American voters—to put it kindly—have a history of choosing unqualified leaders.

    And yet as Alvin Greene sets his sights on Republican Jim DeMint and the general election, glaring back at him is an entire skeptical nation, Republicans excited to beat him, Democrats excited to have him disappear from TV and memory.

    Pondering this collective incredulity, I don’t think one can ignore the fact that Greene is an African American. I don’t think one can ignore the fact that Greene didn’t go to Harvard or Yale, but the University of South Carolina. I don’t think one can ignore the fact that Greene is far from wealthy—especially not when so much of the ire being directed at him includes the sneering question, “Just where did someone like you get that $10,000 registration fee?” Stranger things have happened in politics, so why now is everyone choosing to question what sense any of it makes?

    Having spoken to Alvin Greene for an extended period of time, I’m absolutely certain I wouldn’t want him in any political office, high or low. But as a person of color, I can’t help but question the motivations of the minions who agree with me.

    Cord Jefferson is a staff writer for The Root. Follow him on Twitter.

    Goodbye to The Root!

    Last April, I snapped this photo of Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama, mortal enemies turned thick as thieves at the White House. In the year since, I've lugged the same tools—recorder, camera, notepad, pens—around DC for this fine magazine, in search of words worth the thousand you see here. Starting next month, I’ll be doing the same at The Daily Beast, and spending a lot of time thinking about development at the New America Foundation.

    At The Root, I've done my best to tell the exciting story of Obama's first year as president—from his shocking white hands to his young, black aides, his plan for American cities and his first appearance at the United Nations. It’s been a privilege to listen in on the State of the Union, walk the first lady’s garden, and diss Sarah Palin on national television. I hope I moved the word "blipster" several rungs up the lexical food chain. Covering breaking news on my own steam has been a constant and productive challenge. Though I never got to ask Mr. President a question at one of his press conferences, I talked to Bill Cosby! Check one off the bucket list.

    I appreciate the long leash I’ve been given at the magazine. It’s been a source of creativity and mistakes, but also a proper education. My best thanks for the opportunity goes out to my first editor at The Root, Lynette Clemetson, who took a flyer on me, fought for me, edited me and played my Henry Higgins for a while. Donna Byrd, The Root’s publisher, is an extraordinary businesswoman who has not only listened carefully and advised well, but is a walking monument to professionalism. I am grateful to Skip Gates, who in addition to being an exceptional thinker and contributor to the magazine, has become a mentor and friend. I also thank Jacob Weisberg and David Plotz for their smarts and counsel. I am not finished learning from Joel Dreyfuss, the new managing editor of The Root, who has several lifetimes worth of experience in journalism and has been a wonderful leader for the team this year. As for Danyel Smith, well, you know where to find us and apologize.

    Thanks also to Natalie Hopkinson, Teresa Wiltz, Erin Evans, Saaret Yoseph, Jonathan Pitts-Wiley, Kai Wright, Sheryl Salomon and everyone else on the editorial team, for strong writing, strong opinions and behind the scenes magic. I’m proud of the work we did together. More thanks to the good women of XX, the entire team at Slate for your stylishness and your example, and to the Washington Post for understanding and supporting our take on the news.

    The biggest thank you goes out to all the readers who offered news, advice, and fact-checking (my first job in Washington) this past year. The site doesn’t work without you. I won’t be a stranger, so see you soon.

    —DAYO OLOPADE

    Social Networks and Saddam Hussein: A Private Matter?

    I have been thoroughly enjoying Chris Wilson’s five-part Slate series on how social networking, not hierarchical flow charts, helped the United States military capture Saddam Hussein in 2003:

    Russell's files reveal why it was essential to think of the insurgency as a social network, not an organization. Power was decentralized. And since the primary motive of any insurgent is not to be captured, information has to be decentralized as well. Many people I interviewed referenced the resistance movement in Algeria, as recounted in the movie The Battle of Algiers. Members of the National Liberation Front were each supposedly aware of only three other members: the person who recruited them and the two people they recruited—essentially, a terrorist version of a chain letter. In the movie, there is a memorable scene in which the French officers assemble a tree diagram of the NLF's network, filling in names in the hope of sketching a path back to the leaders.

    The insurgent network in Tikrit was not so rigidly organized, but it was similarly fragile. As Brian Reed would later calculate in his Ph.D dissertation, Saddam's network had very low density, a measure of how "knitted" or interconnected the players are. ...

    For Russell and his men, this lack of connections was no academic musing. To develop a plan of attack, they needed to know all the different ways that two connected people (known as a dyad) were hooked together through intermediates (the jargony term for this is "dyadic redundancy"). If someone's ties are redundant, the network can quickly recover from his loss. If someone's ties are unique, then they are irreplaceable. This was the case with the National Liberation Front in Algiers, where the dyadic redundancy was basically zero—if an NLF rebel was killed, his mental Rolodex would go with him. In Iraq, the redundancy was almost as low. That meant that finding Saddam would require precisely the right path. Since very few people were thought to know where the dictator was at any given moment, killing them—or severing links to them—could set the hunt back months.

    The suspenseful, well-written story is provocative—especially when it comes to future applications of social networking theories in the fight to keep America safe. Could we have caught the Mumbai bombers by following a chain of cousins? What if Malik Nidal Hassan was an avid Twitter user? What about Najibullah Zazi, who recently plead guilty to a plot to bomb New York City—or lone crazies like the man who flew his plane into the IRS?

    There are huge upsides to 21st century interconnectivity. Hussein’s capture is one. Monitoring protests in Iran and survivors in Haiti are others. Certainly Scott Roeder, who killed Dr. George Tiller in June, was wired into an observable social network of anti-abortion demagogues, linked by the internet and spurred by a major cable news network. But Amy Bishop, the woman who allegedly shot down six colleagues at the University of Alabama, had a history of violence known only to those who had known her longest. And the authorities didn’t have to look very hard for alleged plane bomber Umar Abdul Farouk Abdulmutallab’s social web: His father walked into an embassy with details.

    What's more, the potential to track bad guys via their personal connections raises a host of important concerns about privacy. The recent stink about Google Buzz making pubic all frequent email contacts seems too little, too late. Google knows all this information, anyway—including what individuals are searching for online, and, if they are using the calendar and map applications, where they’ll be, and when. To a different but no less pernicious extent, so does Facebook.

    Certainly the debate on telecom immunity surrounding revelations of Bush-era surveillance of unsuspecting citizens started the conversation on what’s rightfully ours in the digital age. I haven’t since seen any real investigation into the role that private companies (aside from the mercenary groups like DynCorps and Blackwater already doing our dirty business) will play in the search for better and more intelligence to protect lives.

    A robust discussion of these ideas is set to take place with the New America Foundation later this week. Primarily, the Slate series is reminding me of David Simon’s epic HBO show, The Wire. Go back and watch season one, episode one:

    The female witness intimidated out of identifying D’Angelo Barksdale is part of a social network that, along with the other black jury members who eye one another in silent agreement, is clearly defined in opposition to the legal authorities. It’s just as clear that the lone, pale male in the jury box is not in the club. In this episode, the Hussein of this network—drug kingpin Avon Barksdale—has no fingerprints, no police record, and no “DOB”. But by the fifth chapter in Simon’s story, Baltimore’s social network "knits" together Barksdale, city police, teachers, and corner boys in ways broader than any individual node could have predicted.

    But, in Iraq and Baltimore alike, the importance of penetrating the network—wearing the wire—became paramount. I suppose we should expect the real life quest for intelligence to follow suit.

    —DAYO OLOPADE

    Hillary Clinton Stands Up For Internet Diplomacy

    Addressing an international crowd at the Newseum in Washington, the United States' shrine to a free press and an open society, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton delivered a landmark speech on internet freedoms and digital democracy. She announced a $15 billion committment to helping developing and developed nations around the world empower citizens--especially young people and women--to use technology in ways that would promote open conversation and democratic institutions, from Vietnam to the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

    Her thesis: America, as birthplace of the web, should lead the planet on its best uses. "We stand for a single Internet where all of humanity has equal access to knowledge and ideas," she said. "Given the magnitude of the challenges we’re facing, we need people around the world to pool their knowledge and creativity to help rebuild the global economy, protect our environment, defeat violent extremism and build a future in which every human being can realize their God-given potential."

    Clinton's State Departmenrt has made great use of technology over the course of her first year as diplomat-in-chief--dramatically intervening at the height of the Iranian election crisis in June 2009 in order to keep Twitter, which had served as a key source of information for local protesters, available in the face of the government's attempts at censorship. At a December event observing Human Rights Week, the Internet--access to it and free expression on it--was likewise a key focal point:

    We can help change agents, gain access to and share information through the internet and mobile phones so that they can communicate and organize. With camera phones and Facebook pages, thousands of protestors in Iran have broadcast their demands for rights denied, creating a record for all the world, including Iran’s leaders, to see. I’ve established a special unit inside the State Department to use technology for 21st century statecraft.

    The recent, high-profile announcement that search giant Google would no longer cooperate with government censors in China thrust the issue of democracy and technology once more into the spotlight. Whereas the American company had for years turned a blind eye to China's requirement that certain keywords ("human rights" or "Tienanmen Square massacre," for example) be removed from Google's search results, the revelation that the Chinese government had been hacking the Gmail accounts of certain dissidents changed their minds. That Google is willing to give up a market of 300 million web users in China sends a strong message about the morality of free access to ideas. In her speech at the Newseum, Clinton did not directly reference China (or Iran, for that matter), saying instead: "Countries or individuals that engage in cyberattacks should face consequences and international condemnation."

    The shape of that condemnation--or whether China will care--is yet undetermined. But Clinton emphasized the positive side of the new diplomatic paradigm at every turn. In earthquake-striken Haiti, she noted, a woman was saved from under a building because of text-messages she had sent detailing her condition and location. In an age where Kenyans use cell phones as mobile banks, and Haitian expatriates track family members over the State Department website, these humanitarian and practical uses will define the 21st century.

    Of course, the Internet's new connectivities and messaging strategies are available to everyone--including the Taliban, which recently went web 2.0:

    American and Afghan analysts see the Taliban’s effort as part of a broad initiative that employs every tool they can muster, including the Internet technology they once denounced as un-Islamic. Now they use word of mouth, messages to cellphones and Internet videos to get their message out.

    Who will win the Internet war? Our partner, Slate, sponsored a chat on the topic yesterday at the New America Foundation. Watch as Rebecca MacKinnon of the Open Society Institute, Evgeny Morozov of Georgetown University, andColumbia University professor Tim Wu discuss what happens when authority meets technology:

    --DAYO OLOPADE

    SATISFACTION, PRIDE OR DELIRIUM?

    In light of the current economic climate – while chewing on recent Republican, populist-tinged victories in New Jersey, Virginia and, most recently, Massachusetts – the question regarding African American support for President Obama is bound to come up.  It’s the anniversary of his first full year in office, we prognosticators expecting it.  But, it’s an even more poignant question amid the very racialized national conversation taking place – from gawks at Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) “gaffes” to nauseating outrage at bigotry on tap from the likes of commentator Rush Limbaugh and evangelical zealot Pat Robertson.  We should see this coming at the turn of every Black History Month. 

    To consider that question, context is needed.  We need to carefully examine writings on the socio-economic construct wall.  In the case of Black folks, the recession has pretty much decimated over a full quarter of our middle class, setting Black economic progress back dramatically despite clear electoral gains on the political landscape. A depressing Center for American Progress Report on "The State of Minorities in the Economy" offers some dismal figures on African American unemployment rates, including how "... minorities have been disproportionately affected" by the recession. CAP states: "[M]inorities were not receiving the benefits of the economic growth prior to 2007."  Further:

    At the start of the recession, the unemployment rate for African Americans on a quarterly basis was 8.6 percent. In the two years that followed, the unemployment rate rose 7.2 percentage points to 15.8 percent.

    Yet, for some reason, you’d be strangely oblivious to the harsh reality of Black unemployment should you stumble upon a recently touted Pew Center Social Trends Survey which indicates "the perceptions of blacks have changed for the better over the past two years, despite a deep recession and jobless recovery that have hit blacks especially hard."  Pew finds:

    “Barack Obama's election as the nation's first black president appears to be the spur for this sharp rise in optimism among African Americans. It may also be reflected in an upbeat set of black views on a range of other matters, including race relations, local community satisfaction and expectations for future black progress.”

    The Pew survey was by telephone and included a sampling of 2,884 adults, including 812 African Americans. Something missing here? Perceptions seem misaligned with the reality of the current situation.  One has to ask who, exactly, did they sample?  And, where were the sampled Black respondents residing at the time of the survey?  There is a blatant incongruity between these two reports that can’t be ignored.   

    Obviously, African American support for the President - based on anecdotal observation and data-driven evidence - remains high.  If the election for his second term were to take place tomorrow, Obama would enjoy, at the very least, a high margin of grassroots, base support from the African American community (unless there other strong, viable and credible candidates or elected officials with equal or greater gravitas, background and magnetism to split that vote during either the primary or general). In this sense, the recent Pew Social Trends survey is accurate - signs of Black euphoria, despite a recession that's battered us, can be directly linked to the feel good nature of a "brotha running things."   One can argue that the President takes this built in support for granted.  Bruce Dixon of Black Agenda Report calls it “delirium” in a recent piece:

     

    Barack Obama’s presence in the White House is bad for Black people’s mental health. Even as the African American economic condition deteriorates by the day, Blacks perceive a world in which their prospects are improving. Something did change for the better for Black people in 2009. The problem is, it only happened in their minds.

     

    Dixon makes an intriguing point that’s hard to ignore. It brings to mind an earlier conversation with colleagues who craved for meaning: was the election of Barack Obama a Great Okie Doke?  As the economy spun out of control, falling off its global axis, did we get duped into a false sense of symbolic power and security while sliding into the financial abyss of unemployment, foreclosures and poverty? And, are surveys from sources like Pew simply pulling our collective leg, a mainstream media attempt to mute Black criticism of the President while encouraging distraction from issues of critical import?

     

    It's important to note that the extent of current Black support for the President may be more organic than policy-driven, something intrinsically spiritual and based on bonds of cultural affinity and obligation.  Nothing wrong with that – contrary to Dixon’s argument, there is much self-esteem boost in that.  Obama in the White House solidifies a certain aspect or vision of Black Power as normal rather than irregular – particularly when it’s combined with images of other African Americans in positions of political and economic power.  Simply put: it’s encouraging.  Who wouldn’t want their children growing up in an era where a President who looks like them is calling the proverbial shots?

     

    And, by no means are we implying here that Black folks are less politically savvy or less informed - to the contrary. But, the level of pride is much thicker than the level of tangible satisfaction with what's he done thus far this year.  It’s time to recognize. Serious analysis of the Obama Administration is more crucial now than figurative feelings of racial ownership.    

     

    A common, defensive retort amongst many upset by media, partisan or ideological criticism of the President is that "it's only been a year."  True – it’s only been a year. But, the President as “Master and Commander” has an impressive array of weapons at his disposal to respond much more rapidly to the tragic economic situation than he has.  This doesn’t include a simple maintenance of Wall Street status quo, satisfied with upward ticks in the markets while there is no fundamental change in regulation or system.  Recent, devastating electoral blowbacks had more to do with frustration over lack of aggressive action on jobs and foreclosures than it did with disagreements over health care reform.  Clearly, there were missed opportunities for a more direct approach.  Let’s hope we don’t find ourselves saying, by the end of 2010, that “it’s only been two years.”  

    Would Martin Luther King Get Out the Vote in Massachusetts?

    With a Haitian disaster, two wars and a financial crisis on his plate, president Barack Obama nonetheless took time to remember Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., and the history of the civil rights movement. The president and his family, accompanied by White House senior adviser Valerie Jarrett and Joshua DuBois, executive director of the Office of Faith Based and Neighborhood Partnerships, spent the Sunday before the national holiday celebrating King’s birthday at the historic Vermont Avenue Baptist Church in northwest Washington DC—where a 27-year-old King had preached in 1956.

    His address, delivered to a welcoming, almost entirely black congregation, yoked together the history of the struggle for equality and the contemporary political challenges facing black and indeed all Americans. Watch:

    Unemployment is at its highest level in more than a quarter of a century. Nowhere is it higher than the African American community. Poverty is on the rise. Home ownership is slipping. Beyond our shores, our sons and daughters are fighting two wars. Closer to home, our Haitian brothers and sisters are in desperate need. Bruised, battered, many people are legitimately feeling doubt, even despair, about the future. Like those who came to this church on that Thursday in 1956, folks are wondering, where do we go from here?

    In Obama’s case, it was to Massachusetts, where the race in a special election to fill late senator Ted Kennedy’s seat in Congress has gone disastrously for the once-favored Democrat, Martha Coakley. By sending Obama as well as Bill Clinton and several veteran campaign fixers, the White House and the Democratic Party are telegraphing how important it is for them to hold the line. And they’re right: This seat represents the 60th vote in a Congressional body already strangled by the threat of filibusters; the health care reform bill that was a coda to Kennedy’s lifetime as a progressive legislator, is not yet inked; and the fate of Democrats in true-blue Massachusetts will be a canary in the mine for Democratic politicians heading into a tough election year. Indeed, conservative are ebullient at the possibility that Republican Scott Brown might take Kennedy’s seat. Perennial GOP activist Grover Norquist said gleefully: “This is one of those lopsided things where if they win it’s nothing, and if we win it’s the cover of Time magazine.”

    But outside of the national political media, few people seem to understand the truly precarious state of affairs in Massachusetts. Just hours after delivering his sermon, Obama traveled to Massachusetts to lay out the stakes—laboring under an unexpressed but clear expectation that he will be able to draw out the black vote that could make the difference in a special election with notoriously low turnout. Speaking on behalf of Coakley at a rally distinguished by lackluster crowd energy and very few black faces, Obama said, "If you were fired up in the last election, I need you more fired up in this election."

    The lingering excitement of Obama's election may not be enough to carry Coakley. But in many ways, Obama’s message at the podium in Boston and at the pulpit in Washington revolved around the same theme: Agency. In church, he used the formulation that has been his standard frame of reference for post-Civil Rights black politics. He urged listeners “in this Joshua generation [to] learn how that Moses generation overcame,” he said. The solution? Political action. He continued:

    They understood that as much as our government and our political parties had betrayed them in the past -- as much as our nation itself had betrayed its own ideals -- government, if aligned with the interests of its people, can be -- and must be -- a force for good. So they stayed on the Justice Department. They went into the courts. They pressured Congress, they pressured their President. They didn't give up on this country. They didn't give up on government. They didn't somehow say government was the problem; they said, we're going to change government, we're going to make it better. Imperfect as it was, they continued to believe in the promise of democracy; in America's constant ability to remake itself, to perfect this union.

    If anything, this was a lofty call to get out the vote, all year and across the country. Will it work? In Massachusetts, pushing back King's day of service to Tuesday might do the trick.

    —DAYO OLOPADE

    Read the whole MLK sermon here. Listen as Obama makes the case for Coakley here.