Obama’s Initiative: One Promise, Different Zones

Promise Zones represent outreach to a cross-section of America.

President Barack Obama with representatives and community members from San Antonio, Philadelphia, Los Angeles, southeastern Kentucky and the Choctaw Nation of Oklahoma Jan. 9, 2014, at the White House. President Obama announced the five areas as his administration's first five “Promise Zones.” Alex Wong/Getty Images

Likewise, between 2010 and 2013, the self-proclaimed “Renaissance City” Newark has seen its unemployment rate seesaw between 14.3 percent and 16.5 percent. Even Atlanta, long considered a bastion of African-American economic progress, struggles with an 8.9 unemployment rate—well above the national average.

Worst of all, the unemployment rate for African Americans ages 16 to 19 was 393 percent higher than the national unemployment rate in November 2013, according to BLS data. As of October 2013, the unemployment rate for that demographic was 36 percent

It seemed to me, therefore, that black communities should be the focus of President Obama’s initiative. And perhaps the president anticipated that response.

In his speech last week he said, “President Johnson talked about communities ‘on the outskirts of hope where opportunity was hard to come by.’ Well, today’s economic challenges are different, but they’ve still resulted in communities where in recent decades, wrenching economic change has made opportunity harder and harder to come by. I’m not just talking about pockets of poverty in our inner cities. That’s the stereotype. I’m talking about suburban neighborhoods that have been hammered by the housing crisis. I’m talking about manufacturing towns that still haven’t recovered after the local plant shut down and jobs dried up. There are islands of rural America where jobs are scarce—they were scarce even before the recession hit.”

And he’s right.

A 2012 study by the Appalachian Regional Commission in Washington, D.C., found that in 25 of 36 Appalachian counties—home to a largely rural white American community—the unemployment rate was at least 10 percent. And unlike the African-American community, these poor whites were disproportionately undereducated—with more than one in five working-age adults lacking a high school diploma. But even outside rural communities, poor and working-class white Americans continue to make up the largest percentage of people dependent on social welfare programs, including food stamps and unemployment insurance.

But if underemployed African Americans and uneducated, poor whites are America’s forgotten, then struggling Native American communities are simply invisible.

According to the federal Bureau of Indian Affairs, tribal communities were experiencing unemployment rates of between 80 and 93 percent—and this was before the Great Recession and mortgage crisis of 2007 and 2008. And of those who were unemployed, upwards of 79 percent were living below the national poverty line in some communities.

It appears that the first African-American president is keenly aware of the historic struggles facing black communities, but also that his role as president of all the people requires more expansive solutions. 

From a political perspective, the Promise Zones initiative also places the issues of poverty and income inequality in the backyards of Republicans like Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell and 2016 presidential hopeful Rand Paul, both from Kentucky. Not only is their state being targeted as a Promise Zone, but its Democratic governor is experiencing lauded success implementing the Affordable Care Act—bringing health coverage to a largely poor and white demographic.