Keys to Obama's Keystone Loss

How Pennsylvania was lost. Five reasons why Barack couldn't defeat Hillary.

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In order steal Pennsylvania from Hillary Clinton, Obama had to woo voters in the area known locally as "Pennsyltucky," or the region between Philadelphia and Pittsburgh where Southern-conservatism and deep racial and ethnic animus continue to inform public perception, policy, and practice. Unfortunately, as Obama argued in his infamous "bitter" remarks, Pennsyltucky residents often undermine their own material and political prosperity by voting their anxieties and fears rather than their interests. While the remarks themselves may have cost Obama a percentage point or two, they are merely symptoms of a larger problem. In addition to fetishizing wedge issues, Pennsyltuckyans also enjoy what Dubois referred to as "the psychic wages of whiteness," which allow them to close ranks around race rather than reason. Bottom line: poor white people don't want a black president.

Hillary's Working Girl Routine

Despite the razor thin differences between Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama with regard to economic policy, neither of which propose adequate relief to the nation's laboring class, the majority of Pennsylvania's working class voters sided with Hillary. Pulling from the Republican handbook of painting liberal Democrats as "latte sipping, Volvo driving, Ivy-League educated" elitists, Hillary Clinton has gone to extravagant lengths to refashion herself into a working class candidate. This strategy began in Ohio, where she miraculously convinced voters that she was anti-NAFTA at the same time that she substantiated her experience vis-à-vis her "central role" in a pro-NAFTA White House. In Pennsylvania, her performance reached carnivalesque proportions, as the Ivy-League grad and former First Lady threw back shots in local pubs, hung out in bowling alleys, and popped caps in the flesh of innocent ducks. In the process, Clinton not only endeared herself to working-class whites, many of whom were desperately looking for excuses to support a white candidate, but also positioned herself as a grassroots underdog refusing to back down against a deep-pocketed bully. This is evidenced by her insufferable victory speech, where she says that she was "up against a formidable opponent who outspent us three-to-one. He broke every spending record in this state, trying to knock us out of the race." Such tactics will galvanize working class voters in Indiana and give the super-delegates a legitimate consideration for the future: Can Obama win the working class vote?

What Now?
Although Obama will not encounter another primary state quite like Pennsylvania, many of these same issues will follow him into his inevitable showdown with John McCain. In order to be successful in the long term, three things must happen. First, Obama must make a more creative and aggressive attempt to court the traditional Democratic base. Second, he must convince influential party leaders to support him as quickly as possible. Third, and most importantly, Hillary Clinton must ultimately provide a convincing and unequivocal endorsement of Barack's general election bid. Absent these circumstances, Obama and the DNC are in serious trouble.

Marc Lamont Hill is assistant professor of urban education and American Studies at Temple University.